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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

Ideology has often been implicated in violent, radical movements (Rapoport, 1984) and since 9/11, much attention has been devoted to the ideological underpinnings of violent Jihadist groups and others (Atran, Axelrod, & Davis, 2007; Habeck, 2006; Jurgensmeyer, 2004; Ranstorp, 2004; Schbley & McCauley, 2005; Stern, 2003). Scholars and other experts hardly agree on the role religious ideology plays in non-state violence. Is it cause or consequence, after the-fact justification, or simply a rhetorical rallying call? In this study, we will examine how anthropologists have defined religion and ideology, and consider its role in violent movements.  In this brief essay, we will make the case that the concept of religious ideology is imprecise and because of this analytical imprecision, its usefulness as an aid to understanding people’s shared thoughts and values is severely limited.  Furthermore, we will assert that the concept should never be used to account for or to explain people’s behavior.  we will suggest that a better way to think about different religious traditions and the groups of people immersed in them is derived from a research strategy in anthropology called “cultural materialism” (Harris 1979).  Cultural materialism avoids explanations based on ideology and concentrates instead on the pragmatic, day-to-day circumstances that condition people’s actual behavior.

The phrase “religious ideology” is often used loosely in anthropology and in casual conversation to refer to the set of socially shared ideas associated with a given religion.  Thus, people talk and write about the religious ideology of Islam or Christianity as if a distinctive set of ideas or beliefs characterizes the one religion in opposition to the other.  Furthermore, these imputed characteristic ideas and beliefs are often used by analysts to account for certain forms of behavior engaged in by followers of a religious tradition.  For example, people often say that Catholics have more children than Protestants because their religious ideology leads them to regard birth control as sinful and it is therefore avoided.  Major world religions such as Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, and Judaism have features that make them relatively easy to identify.

Nigeria is a country that is extremely culturally and religiously diversified (Osaghae and Suberu, 2005). The modern state of Nigeria has its origins infused in British colonization, which extended from the 19th century to the 20th century. The British colonial rule saw the merging of the numerous kingdoms and tribal states situated within its territories being merged into the Southern Nigeria Protectorate and the Northern Nigeria Protectorate (Adkins, 2015). The British took control of the territory by erecting legal and administrative structure while at the same time, retaining the traditional chiefdoms. The arrival of European missionaries by way of the Atlantic Ocean saw a majority of the regions in the Southern Protectorate of Nigeria, including its central regions, converting to Christianity. This marked the beginning of the importance of religion in the development of Nigeria and set the stage for the eventual development of the terror group Boko Haram. The conquest of Northern Nigeria by the Fulani Jihadists, who penetrated the northern borders by way of the Sahara Desert, saw to it that a greater part of the north, extending to some of the areas in the middle belt and South West, was converted to Islam (AECAWA, 1987). Nigeria became mentally divided at this point, based on religious sentiments and ethnic diversification (Burns and Burns, 1972; Falola and Heaton, 2008).

Before the advent of colonialism and the Fulani Jihadists in the 16th and 18th centuries respectively, the people of Nigeria were enmeshed in the traditional belief system which involved the worship of ancestral spirits and demi-gods (Kwabiah, 2010). At the beginning of the 19th century, Usman dan Fodio, a man of Fulani descent and well educated in classical Islamic science, directed a successful jihad which resulted to the creation of the Fulani Empire, better known as the Sokoto Caliphate (Kwabiah, 2010). The need for the Jihad arose due to the fact that many of the Fulani tribesmen who were under the leadership of Usman dan Fodio was displeased with the actions of the rulers of the Hausa states. They accused the Hausa leaders of contaminating the religion of Islam with some traces of the traditional religion of that region. Usman had conceived the creation of a theocratic state with a much stricter interpretation of Islam. Usman stated clearly to his followers that the sultans of the Hausa states were undeniably unbelievers and idol worshippers hiding under the auspices of professing Islam. His declaration condemning them for feigning piety whilst practicing polytheistic rituals which lured people away from the path of Allah (Ikime, 1977; Smaldone, 1977). Usman also accused the Hausa leaders of raising the flag of an unworthy worldly kingdom over the banner of Islam concluding that this was a demonstration of unbelief in all ramifications (Sulaiman, 198). The aftermath of the jihad brought about the creation of a theocratic federal state, with an extensive autonomy for emirates that would recognize and pay obeisance to the spiritual authority of the caliph or the Sultan of Sokoto (Weiss, 2002). This territory, which became the largest state in Africa south of the Sahara, at the time, included most of the Hausa states such as Kano, Katsina, and Zaria. It extended as far as Nupe, Borno, Adamawa, Gombe, and Illorin which were territories that had a significant number of major or minor groups of Fulani alims or scholars. These territories which have come to be known in the modern day, as northern and central Nigeria. The division lasted until 1903. At that time it was segmented into much smaller, varied, European colonies as part of the aftermath of the British colonial invasion (Ikime, 1980).

In 1914, the British consolidated its administration by formally uniting the Niger area into the Lagos Colony as well as the Northern and Southern Protectorate of Nigeria (Dickovick, 2014). This action was facilitated by inhabitants of the southern region maintaining more economic and social interaction with the British and other Europeans due to the coastal economy (Isichei and Isichei, 1983). Under the British policy of indirect rule, including the validation of Islamic tradition, the British monarchy did not encourage the operations of Christian missions in the northern Islamic part of the country. The Christian missions were, therefore, confined to creating Western educational institutions, and those mainly in the Southern protectorates (Kalu, 1980). Some of the elite Nigerians, who came from the South, took advantage of these educational establishments and sent their children to Great Britain in pursuit of a higher education (Crowder and Abdullahi, 1979). By the post-Independence era, there were identifiable regional differences due to the obvious influence of heightened educational access. Although the origins of this difference may be less apparent today, it has brought about a legacy of enlightenment that prevails even in the present day. Alternately, the legacy of differences did not play a benign role in the politics of North and South Nigeria. For instance, Northern Nigeria did not abolish slavery until 1936, whilst in other parts of Nigeria slavery was abolished soon after the introduction of colonial rule (Lovejoy and Hogendorn, 1993). The post-World War era saw the growth of Nigerian nationalism and the need, the demand, for independence. With subsequent constitutions being introduced and legislated by the British government, Nigeria moved from the indirect rule toward self-government on a representative and steadily rising federal basis (Falola and Heaton, 2008). As Nigeria gained its independence from British colonialism on October 1st 1960, it was faced with the socio-political dilemma of unifying and integrating its peoples, despite the seeming debacle resulting from the religious and ethnic divides. Since then, its mode of government has been alternating between military dictatorships and democratically elected civilian governments. Nigeria did not accomplish reunification until October 1, 1970, following a vicious civil war (Reuters, 1970).

1.2       Statement of Problem

Due to its plethora of diverse and often conflicting ethno-linguistic groups as well as religions, Nigeria has been constantly burdened with the trouble of sectarian tensions and violence (Ojie and Ewhrudjakpor, 2009). This phenomenon has continued to surface its ugly head even at the turn of this new millennium with sectarian violence erupting from Boko Haram.

Boko Haram is an Islamist movement. Like many other terrorist groups which are driven by religion, Boko Haram states that it seeks to abolish the secular system of government. It seeks to destroy the Nigerian government and establish Sharia law in the country (IBP, 2015). Nigeria, once well respected for its role in restoring stability in some conflict-torn states in West Africa, is now in need of the assistance of the international community in ensuring that peace and stability is restored to its own territory (Onuoha, 2014). As at this moment, the threat of internal security in Nigeria by Boko Haram has extended to some West African countries which are sharing a common border with Nigeria, such as Cameroon, Niger and Chad (Onuoha, 2014).