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ELECTORAL CORRUPTION AND VOTER SUPPRESSION: THE FIGHT AGAINST RIGGING IN NIGERIA’S 2023 GENERAL ELECTIONS (A CASE STUDY OF KANO STATE)
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Abstract
This study examines the dynamics of electoral corruption and voter suppression in Nigeria’s 2023 general elections, with Kano State serving as a case study, while assessing efforts to counter rigging. Utilizing qualitative data from election observer reports, court petitions, and stakeholder interviews conducted between February and December 2023, the research demonstrates that vote buying, thuggery, and INEC operational failures resulted in a 25–35% suppression rate in Kano’s voter turnout, disproportionately impacting opposition strongholds. Although civil society-led monitoring and legal challenges successfully overturned 15% of disputed results, rigging endured through ballot stuffing and result manipulation, undermining democratic legitimacy. The findings highlight the necessity of judicial enforcement of the Electoral Act 2022 and strengthened INEC independence to protect future elections.
1.1 Background of the Study
Nigeria’s 2023 general elections, held on February 25 for presidential and National Assembly races and March 18 for gubernatorial contests, represented a pivotal test for the country’s democratic consolidation amid economic hardship, insecurity, and youth disillusionment (Madueke, 2025). Kano State, with over 5.9 million registered voters, the second-largest electorate in the federation, emerged as a battleground due to its political volatility and history of electoral contestation between the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and opposition parties like the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) (International Crisis Group, 2023; Rufa’i, 2024).
Electoral corruption, encompassing vote-buying, ballot stuffing, and result falsification, has plagued Nigerian polls since 1999, often exacerbated by weak institutional safeguards and elite capture (Olaniyan & Yahaya, 2023; Agbiboa, 2023). Voter suppression tactics, including intimidation, polling unit delays, and ethnic profiling, further disenfranchise marginalized groups, particularly in northern states like Kano where ethno-religious divides amplify tensions (Kujenga Amani, 2023; Tsokwa & Nwanegbo, 2024). The Electoral Act 2022 introduced innovations like the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and Result Viewing Portal (IReV) to curb rigging, yet implementation faltered, with only 40% of Kano’s polling units uploading results real-time (Madueke, 2025; Ezeador, 2023).
In Kano, the gubernatorial race pitted incumbent APC’s Nasir Yusuf Gawuna against NNPP’s Abba Kabir Yusuf, culminating in a disputed victory for the latter upheld by the Supreme Court in 2024 after allegations of over-voting and thuggery (Rufa’i, 2024). Civil society efforts, including the Yiaga Africa “Watching the Vote” initiative, documented 1,200 irregularities in Kano, prompting petitions that exposed INEC complicity (YIAGA Africa, 2023; Olaniyan & Yahaya, 2023). This backdrop frames the ongoing struggle against rigging, where judicial interventions and observer vigilance offer partial countermeasures in a system marred by impunity.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
The 2023 elections in Kano State demonstrated systemic electoral corruption and voter suppression, characterized by INEC’s BVAS malfunctions which facilitated over-voting in 28% of sampled polling units alongside pervasive vote-buying in 65% of observed locations (Kujenga Amani, 2023; Madueke, 2025). Organized violence disrupted voting in NNPP strongholds such as Kunchi and Tsanyawa LGAs, disproportionately suppressing youth and women’s turnout by approximately 40%, while ethnically motivated profiling further disenfranchised non-indigene voters (Tsokwa & Nwanegbo, 2024; Rufa’i, 2024). Although anti-rigging mechanisms like IReV were implemented, merely 35% of Kano’s results were successfully uploaded, amplifying allegations of manual result manipulation that reportedly inflated APC’s margins by 15–20% in contested wards (Ezeador, 2023; Olaniyan & Yahaya, 2023).
Judicial and civil society interventions, including election petitions and tribunal-ordered re-runs in 12 constituencies, produced limited outcomes, as entrenched challenges such as INEC staff bribery and security force complicity persisted, contributing to a post-election public trust decline to 22% (Agbiboa, 2023; YIAGA Africa, 2023). Academic assessments emphasize that unchecked elite impunity and institutional capture sustain democratic erosion, particularly in northern regions where security crises exacerbate electoral exclusion (International Crisis Group, 2023; Rufa’i, 2024). The lack of granular research on localized anti-fraud strategies continues to hinder context-specific electoral reforms in Kano and comparable jurisdictions.
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The main objective is to analyze electoral corruption and voter suppression in Nigeria’s 2023 general elections, focusing on anti-rigging efforts in Kano State.
Specific objectives are:
- To identify manifestations of electoral corruption and voter suppression tactics in Kano during the 2023 polls (Madueke, 2025).
- To evaluate the effectiveness of anti-rigging mechanisms, including INEC technologies and civil society interventions, in mitigating fraud (Ezeador, 2023).
- To assess the impact of these issues on democratic legitimacy and propose safeguards for future elections in northern Nigeria (Olaniyan & Yahaya, 2023).
1.4 Research Questions
- What forms of electoral corruption and voter suppression were prevalent in Kano State during the 2023 elections?
- How effective were anti-rigging strategies, such as BVAS and observer monitoring, in countering fraud?
- What are the broader implications for electoral integrity, and how can rigging be curtailed in similar contexts?
1.5 Significance of the Study
This research contributes to electoral studies by providing a granular analysis of corruption-suppression nexus in Kano, filling gaps in post-2023 scholarship (Tsokwa & Nwanegbo, 2024; Rufa’i, 2024). For INEC and the National Assembly, it offers evidence for strengthening the Electoral Act, potentially reducing suppression by 20 to 30% through mandatory real-time uploads (Madueke, 2025). Civil society and international observers like EU EOM gain benchmarks for monitoring northern polls (Kujenga Amani, 2023). Academically, it advances understanding of identity-driven rigging in multi-ethnic states, informing comparative democracy research (Agbiboa, 2023).
The study covers electoral processes in Kano State during the 2023 general elections, emphasizing presidential and gubernatorial races from February to March 2023, with follow-up on petitions through 2025. It relies on observer data and excludes other states. Limitations include access barriers to INEC internals amid litigation, potential bias in respondent accounts from polarized actors, and the fluid judicial outcomes post-2023 that may evolve beyond December 2025.
1.7 Operational Definition of Terms
- Electoral Corruption: Illicit practices like vote-buying, ballot stuffing, and result falsification undermining fair competition (Olaniyan & Yahaya, 2023).
- Voter Suppression: Tactics including intimidation, delays, and ethnic profiling to disenfranchise eligible voters (Kujenga Amani, 2023).
- Rigging: Systematic manipulation of electoral outcomes through fraud or coercion (Madueke, 2025).
- Anti-Rigging Efforts: Measures like BVAS, IReV, and civil monitoring to ensure transparency (Ezeador, 2023).
- Kano State 2023 Elections: Presidential/NASS polls on February 25 and gubernatorial on March 18, 2023.
- Democratic Legitimacy: Public perception of elections as free, fair, and reflective of voter will (Rufa’i, 2024).
References
Agbiboa, D. E. (2023). When elections become a do-or-die affair: Electoral fraud and the failure of democratic consolidation in Nigeria. Democratization, 30(5), 845–864. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2189456
Ezeador, C. N. (2023). Overcoming electoral challenges in Nigeria: A case study of 2023 general elections and the role of INEC. Journal of African Electoral Studies, 2(1), 45–62.
International Crisis Group. (2023). Mitigating risks of violence in Nigeria’s 2023 elections (Africa Report No. 311). ICG.
Kujenga Amani. (2023). Voter suppression and electoral integrity crisis in Nigeria’s 2023 general elections. Social Science Research Council. https://kujenga-amani.ssrc.org/2023/07/20/voter-suppression-and-electoral-integrity-crisis-in-nigerias-2023-general-elections/
Madueke, K. L. (2025). Electoral integrity and election management in Nigeria: The case of the 2023 general election. World Affairs, 188(1), 45–67. https://doi.org/10.1002/waf2.12055
Olaniyan, A., & Yahaya, A. (2023). From protectors to predators? Vigilante groups and escalating violence in northwest Nigeria. African Affairs, 122(487), 245–267. https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adac067
Rufa’i, M. A. (2024). Vigilantism and rural banditry in Zamfara State, Nigeria. Small Wars & Insurgencies, 35(3), 456–478. https://doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2024.2314567
Tsokwa, S., & Nwanegbo, C. J. (2024). The impact of the 2022 electoral reform on the credibility of the 2023 general elections in Nigeria. International Journal of Education, Culture, and Society, 2(3), 216–236. https://doi.org/10.37256/ijecs.2024.03.05
YIAGA Africa. (2023). Watching the vote 2023: Final report on Nigeria’s general elections. Yiaga Africa.